Book Review - Five Stars
The Real Fidel Castro by Leycester
Coltman
A biographical look into a highly
intelligent charismatic self-centered narcissist who was possessed
with the uncanny ability to be pitied for his actions while
portraying opponents as persecutors. Considering his high-powered
political enemies persistent efforts to eliminate him, he actually
lived to die of old age, and he left a legacy of lengthy accusatory
speeches to posterity.
Castro told Alfredo Guevara: “I
would be a Communist if I could be Stalin.”
Will Rogers said after visiting the
Soviet Union in 1926 “Communism to me is one-third practice and
two-thirds explanation.”
Excerpts:
Most of Castro’s contemporaries at
Belin college, both pupils and teachers, would become his political
enemies when he turned Cuba into a Communist state. Many went into
exile. Some spent long years in prison. But there is a surprising
degree of convergence between their recollections of Castro as a
schoolboy and his own reminiscences in old age. As a teenager he had
been subject to conflicting influences. He had a mother who was warm,
extrovert and loving, always ready to support and defend him. But he
had been taken away from his home at an early age and spent many
years in the environment of an all-male boarding school, where he
learned to be hard and emotionally self-reliant.
With Mirta, Fidel was usually loving
and protective, in a courtly Spanish manner. It soon became apparent,
however, that his personality and lifestyle were highly unsuited to
married life. Like many idealistic and charismatic people, he was at
the same time monumentally egocentric. He could wax indignant about
the downtrodden and oppressed in general, while showing no concern
for the sensibilities of the particular people closest to him. He
often failed to turn up to meals at home, preferring to spend his
evenings at the Ortodoxo party headquarters or in cafeterias
frequented by fellow students. If he did come home, he would often
bring a bunch of political followers, and expect Mirta to cater for
them. If he had money, he would spend it on his political projects
rather than on his wife and home.
Castro maintained the contempt for
money which he had shown as a student. At home in Oriente his father
owned virtually everything and he could simply take or borrow what he
wanted. When he needed to buy something he asked his father for
money, but felt little gratitude when he received it. At school the
Jesuits had taught that it was spiritual values that mattered and
that worldly goods were a snare and delusion. At the university he
had spent much of his time denouncing the greed of money-grubbing
politicians, unscrupulous businessmen and exploitative landowners.
Castro may have been privately pleased
at Batista’s coup. He had for years been advocating the
revolutionary path to power. It would be easier to justify the
violent overthrow of a military dictator than of a democratically
elected government, however flawed.
The head of the Caribbean desk in the
State Department said that many people thought Batista was a son of a
bitch, but American interests came first: “At least he is our son
of a bitch.”
He was especially infuriated by
Americans who referred to the condemned men as “Batista
supporters”, implying that support for Batista was their only
crime. “We are not executing innocent people or political
opponents. We are executing murderers.” He accused the Americans of
hypocrisy, saying that Batista did not give his opponents any sort of
trial: he just had them killed, and there were no protests in the
United States. “They did not write against the dictator, because
the dictator was nothing more than the servant of their economic
interests. Who are they to protest, who had war criminals in their
service?”
After nine months in power, Castro had
made a lot of enemies. He went everywhere with a team of bodyguards.
Even his closest associates seldom knew where he intended to spend
the night. His security services were receiving numerous reports of
plots to kill him. Groups of anti-Communist rebels, some supported by
the CIA, had established guerrilla bases in the mountains of central
Cuba. Thousands of middle-class people, including much-needed
doctors, engineers and other professionals, were moving to Florida,
hoping and expecting to return when the disastrous Castro government
collapsed.
Brazilian observer made a speech
obliquely but clearly criticizing Cuba for interfering in the affairs
of other countries. Qaddafi applauded the Brazilian loudly. But now
Castro played his trump card. He had once been well disposed to
Israel, and an admirer of its military prowess. But Israel’s
treatment of the Palestinians, and its ever-closer alliance with the
United States, had led him to change his mind. He now stood up and
announced that Cuba was breaking diplomatic relations with Israel. It
was a dramatic gesture of solidarity with the Arab countries. Qaddafi
rose and embraced Castro warmly. From then on they were friends. No
East European country had broken relations with Israel. So perhaps,
Qaddafi no doubt thought, Castro was non-aligned after all. In
justifying his condemnation of Israel, Castro would always start by
emphasizing that he felt no hostility towards the Jewish people:
inks with Cuba fifteen years earlier
had mostly restored at least commercial ties. Presi
We repudiate with all our strength the
ruthless persecution and genocide that Nazism unleashed in its time
against the Jewish people. But there is nothing more similar in
contemporary history than the eviction, persecution and genocide
being carried out by imperialism and Zionism against the Palestinian
people. Piece by piece the Palestinian lands, and territories
belonging to neighboring Arab countries, have been seized by the
aggressors, who are armed to the teeth with the most sophisticated
weapons of the United States arsenal. United Nations resolutions have
been contemptuously ignored or rejected by the aggressors and their
imperialist allies. Can anyone doubt that the United States plays a
fundamental role in preventing a just settlement in the region, by
aligning itself with Israel, by supporting it, by working towards
partial solutions that favor Zionist objectives, and by safeguarding
the fruits of Israeli aggression at the expense of the Palestinian
people? Castro’s change of position on Israel looked to many people
in the West like cynical opportunism. But most Arabs, like Qaddafi,
welcomed the change without worrying too much about Castro’s
reasons or motives. Castro made the most of his new popularity in the
Arab world. He flew from Algiers to Baghdad, before continuing to
India and Vietnam. In New Delhi he heard that in Chile Allende had
been overthrown and killed in a military coup.
Castro felt vindicated in his view
that to achieve socialism in Latin America without an armed
revolution was virtually impossible. The military caste, trained in
the United States and backed by the CIA, would always act to bring
down a socialist government,
With Castro consolidated in power, and
the economy growing, many Americans began to question whether there
was any point in maintaining the trade embargo against Cuba.
The Latin American countries which had
followed the United States lead in breaking ldent Nixon said: “There
will be no change towards that bastard while I’m President.” But
Nixon was forced to resign over the Watergate scandal. The more
pragmatic President Ford, and later President Carter, were willing to
look at the possibility of normalizing relations with Cuba.
Applying double standards: Through the
International Monetary Fund, they demanded that other countries must
eliminate their budget deficits, while themselves running the world’s
biggest budget deficit. Belonging to the world’s only superpower,
they took it for granted that their way of life was superior to all
others, and that they were helping humanity by spreading their own
values and methods. With rare exceptions, they felt no need and no
incentive to find out about other countries and other cultures. They
shut themselves off from ideas or information which challenged their
comfortable assumptions. “They are afraid of ideas, of words, they
are afraid of the truth.” The US Congress was constantly insisting
that more information should be broadcast from the United States to
Cuba, by television as well as radio. But it was the Americans who
needed information. “It is the most ill-informed population in the
world. Statistics and surveys show that a huge number of Americans do
not even know where Latin America is, nor what are the capitals of
Mexico or Brazil, and they confuse Argentina with Brazil, Brazil with
Colombia, and so forth. There is generalized ignorance. They know
nothing at all about Cuba, but they want to inform us!”